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Bangladeshi scholars fear loss of new freedoms after election

Period of increased openness following student-led uprising could soon descend back into political polarisation following BJP landslide victory, academics say

Published on
February 25, 2026
Last updated
February 25, 2026
Crowds surge in streets, waving flags and chanting in celebration of student movement's victory in 2024 over oppressive regime
Source: iStock/Emon's photography orb

Bangladeshi academics fear gains made under the caretaker government formed following the 2024 student-led uprising could be undone by the country鈥檚 new government.

A general election held earlier this month delivered a landslide victory for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Tarique Rahman, returning the party to power after years in opposition.

Mohammad Rashed Alam Bhuiyan, associate professor of political science at the University of Dhaka, said there had been a brief period of greater openness under the interim administration formed after protests removed then prime minister Sheikh Hasina from office, but warned that political influence inside universities could quickly reassert itself under the new regime.

鈥淎fter this election, our previous vice-chancellor resigned. The government will appoint a person who is closer to their political party,鈥 he said. 鈥淚 expect there will be more politically appointed people.鈥

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Tariqul Islam, assistant professor at the School of General Education at BRAC University in Bangladesh, said that any governance reform could prove beneficial. 聽

鈥淭here is potential for meaningful change in university governance under the new government, particularly if institutional autonomy and transparency in leadership appointments are prioritised,鈥 Islam said.

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鈥淗owever, without strong structural safeguards, higher education institutions may remain vulnerable to political interference.鈥

Islam said that the country had long suffered from 鈥減olitical polarisation鈥 constraining academic freedom and institutional autonomy, with 鈥渕any academics鈥 engaging 鈥渋n self-censorship out of fear of professional or legal repercussions鈥.

This election followed a period of political turbulence. Although elections are constitutionally held every five years, this vote came just 26 months after the previous poll because of the聽student-led uprising in July and August 2024.

The protests began over government job quotas but escalated into a nationwide anti-government movement. The United Nations later reported that about 1,400 people were killed during the unrest. An interim administration took office in August 2024, pledging reforms and a credible election.

鈥淭o me, universities have been highly significant in the political developments leading up to the election. Students and faculty once again became central political actors, with campuses serving as key spaces for protest, debate and mobilisation,鈥 Islam said.

鈥淭he youth-led July 鈥24 movement reflected deep frustration over governance, accountability, and economic prospects, making universities catalysts of wider political change rather than passive observers.鈥

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Bhuiyan said the protests disrupted what he described as 鈥渁 very聽patron-client political system,聽where the ruling political party and its student wing dominated the university鈥.

Residential halls, he added, were 鈥渃aptured by politically connected student wings鈥, with dormitories used to consolidate party control.

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鈥淲e were in largely an autocratic government for the last 17 years since 2008,鈥 he said. 鈥淭he students who actually broke that embargo and came out to the streets 鈥 that鈥檚 a huge development.鈥

He argued that student mobilisation helped restore electoral credibility.

鈥淒ue to university students鈥 demonstration and participation, we could at least hold a peaceful election this year, or at least a free and credible election,鈥 he said. But he warned that those gains could be reversed if party influence tightens again.

Beyond politics, structural constraints remain. 鈥淚 teach a classroom of 150 students,鈥 Bhuiyan said.

Heavy teaching loads and administrative duties limit time for research, while resource distribution 鈥渘eeds to be more neutral鈥 and based 鈥渁ccording to merit鈥, not political identity.

Although the government has said it will contribute 5 per cent of GDP to education, Bhuiyan said he had yet to see clear policy shifts to strengthen universities鈥 global competitiveness.

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Bangladesh鈥檚 international academic standing, Islam added, will depend on whether 鈥減olitical stability, academic freedom and credible governance can be demonstrated鈥.

tash.mosheim@timeshighereducation.com

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