George Orwell wrote that 鈥渁ny struggle against the abuse of language is a sentimental archaism, like preferring candles to electric light or hansom cabs to aeroplanes.鈥
He argued that the decline of a language has political and/or economic causes and that it is irreversible unless you have lots of power and money. Sadly, I have neither. But as this is the time of year for resolutions, how about all of us resolving to do our own little bits to thwart the decline of civilisation by upholding accurate and efficient language usage?
I exaggerate the stakes, you say? But what about all those interviewees who answer broadcasters鈥 questions with 鈥渁bsolutely鈥 or 鈥100 per cent鈥 鈥 or, even worse, 鈥110 per cent鈥. Does such hyperbole even confer the desired emphasis any longer, now that it has become so mundane?
There is perhaps a sense in which such answers are sympathetic attempts to endorse the thrust of the interviewer鈥檚 question. Indeed, some questions 鈥 and statements 鈥 actively solicit such endorsements by adding what the sociolinguist Basil Bernstein referred to as statements of sympathetic circularity. In my home city of Liverpool, a very common example used to be 鈥淒鈥檡e know worra mean, like?鈥.
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As elsewhere, that phrase is now typically shortened to 鈥淵e know?鈥, while 鈥渓ike鈥 has taken on a whole new life of its own, gumming up young people鈥檚 every sentence with redundancy and repetition. I recently overheard a conversation between two young women in which one said: 鈥淟ike, I was, like, deciding whether to, like, like him or not and he, like, said he didn鈥檛, like, like me any more.鈥 Both were comfortable with the exchange. Evidently the circularity was sympathetic and, on those grounds, just about tolerable 鈥 at least for them.
Recently, I have become ever more irked by redundancy (and I am not talking about all the job losses, though they are bad too). It verges on heresy for a social scientist to say this, but my biggest bugbear is 鈥渓ived experience鈥. Now I understand the phenomenological roots of the phrase and the epistemic rationale for its application, enhancing the value of the anecdote. But one finds it everywhere now.
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The Wellcome Trust, for example, has a global team of lived experience advisers who shape their mental health strategy: 鈥淟ived experience experts should self-identify as having lived experience,鈥 . But isn鈥檛 that tautological? Moreover, aren鈥檛 all experiences 鈥渓ived鈥? I am still waiting for someone to claim an 鈥渦nlived鈥 experience 鈥 unless those we read about in books count? Can鈥檛 we just assume that experiences only happen to people who are living and drop the 鈥渓ived鈥 bit?
In the health and care field, I also wonder whether there is any difference between lived experience advising and the older concept of patient and public involvement (PPI), the practice of actively including patients, carers and the public in the development, design and delivery of services and research. Has PPI somehow just become a stale phrase?
A more serious abuse of scholarship, in my view, is the repeated use of the term 鈥渆cosystem鈥 for something we used to simply understand as a 鈥渟ystem鈥. An ecosystem is a biological community of interacting organisms and their physical environment. The term was first applied to social and cultural systems by the American psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner, who intended it to stress the importance of understanding human interactions and influences within their natural environments 鈥 but subsequent scholars have followed him in understanding 鈥渆nvironment鈥 primarily in economic, political, organisational and cultural terms.
I suspect the New Materialists would stress here that all systems are necessarily 鈥渆cologically influenced鈥. But if that is so, the 鈥渆co鈥 bit becomes redundant and we could return to the classical social scientists鈥 interest in 鈥溾榮ystems鈥, only referring to an ecosystem when there is an explanatory value gained from understanding physical influences.
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A similar example is 鈥渦se case鈥. Most of the European Commission projects I advise on use the term frequently. My helpful AI adviser defines a use case as: 鈥渁 description of how a person or system interacts with a product, service or system to achieve a specific goal.鈥 So I am left wondering how that differs from a 鈥渃ase鈥 鈥 or a 鈥渃ase study鈥.
Even more recently I came across the idea of 鈥渦ser-stories鈥: 鈥渂rief, informal descriptions of a feature from a user鈥檚 perspective, focusing on their goal and the value it provides鈥. But how are these different from the 鈥渃ase histories鈥 I used to look for 鈥 which could be a more or less detailed account of a user鈥檚 experience?
I do not oppose linguistic change per se. I enjoy experimentations with language 鈥 but not just to invent a phrase or word for which we already possess a perfectly adequate term. A shiny new neologism might give an impression of progress, but that impression is illusory if the term connotes exactly the same concept as a previous term.
So if you have any sympathy with this user-story of my lived experience in the research ecosystem, do please think before adopting the next clunky new academic buzzphrase. D鈥檡e know worra mean, like?
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聽is an independent research consultant.
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