糖心Vlog

Depth of opposition to Chinese admissions quotas revealed

Academics call for reform of system that favours students from wealthy cities

Published on
January 8, 2020
Last updated
March 3, 2020
Source: Reuters

Academics have called on China to phase out its university enrolment quotas after a rare study explored the depth of public opposition to the policy.

Xiaolei Qin of Nanjing Normal University and Ross Buchanan of the University of Texas at Austin describe the provincial quotas linked to the notoriously stressful gao kao admissions tests as 鈥渁聽blatant violation of citizens鈥 rights to educational equality granted by China鈥檚 constitution鈥.

Writing in , they say the quota system 鈥渟trongly favours鈥 students from the three big cities of Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin, who can typically enter top universities with 鈥渄ramatically lower鈥 gao kao scores than those from 23 provinces, even though provincial students already have 鈥渇ewer education resources at their disposal鈥. About 10聽million young people take the test each year.

The inequalities are particularly marked when considering admission to universities in the top-tier Project聽985 excellence initiative and the second-level Project聽211 scheme: for example, about 5.6聽per cent of gao kao entrants from Shanghai entered Project聽985 universities in 2016, say Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan, compared with 1.2聽per cent of their counterparts from Henan province.

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Cities are streets ahead

% of gao kao students from selected provinces enrolling in Project聽985 universities, 2016
厂辞耻谤肠别:听
Xiaolei Qin and Ross Buchanan, 鈥淧olicy and Public Preferences Regarding the University Enrollment Quotas System across Chinese Provinces鈥, 糖心Vlog Policy.

The disadvantages have given rise to 鈥gao kao migration鈥, where families leave low-quota provinces and move to more privileged cities, and have been a factor in some wealthy parents鈥 decisions to send their children to study overseas.

At times, unrest has spilled on to the streets. In 2016, the Ministry of Education ordered cuts to enrolment quotas in many populous provinces but not in the big cities, resulting in thousands of parents protesting in Hebei, Hubei, Henan and Jiangsu provinces.

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The authorities swiftly moved to reassure parents that the admission rate for first-tier provincial universities would not be lower than it was the year before, Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan write.

However, despite modest reforms, the government 鈥渟till mostly preserves the jealously guarded privileges of the regime鈥檚 favoured constituencies鈥, the pair continue. In supplementary materials, they note that a 鈥渓arge segment of China鈥檚 political and economic elite live in Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai鈥, giving them 鈥渙bvious incentives鈥o preserve their privileged status鈥.

Lacking high-quality surveys from which to gauge public opinion, Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan 鈥 who, in an unusual twist, received funding from a Chinese government agency, the National Planning Office for Philosophy and Social Science 鈥 turned to sources such as the search index of Baidu, a popular Chinese search engine.

They found widespread unhappiness with the quota system outside the three favoured cities. Netizens 鈥渓oudly express their grievances on social media鈥, referring to big cities as 鈥減aradise鈥 and some provinces as 鈥渉ell鈥, according to Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan, who found that changes in quotas could be linked directly to outpourings of complaints online.

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Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan call for 鈥渄eep reform鈥 to phase out the quota system, with the exception of preserving modest advantages given to ethnic minority autonomous regions with 鈥渆specially poor higher education resources鈥. Recruitment to first-tier universities should better reflect the proportion of gao kao takers in each province, adjusted for local government investment, they say.

Furthermore, they argue that changes should be made publicly and openly, and by an independent body that takes in and acts on input from academics and the public.

Yu Zhu, professor of economics at the University of Dundee, said several studies had shown that 鈥渓ess privileged students are finding it increasingly difficult to enrol in the most selective universities鈥.

He is the co-author, with academics from Shanghai Lixin University of Accounting and Finance, of a separate study that showed the effects of those inequalities on Chinese graduates by calculating the increases in monthly salaries associated with each extra year of higher education.

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Students attending colleges and 鈥渙rdinary universities鈥 had returns of 8聽per cent to 10聽per cent, while those from key prestigious universities enjoyed returns of 12聽per cent to 16聽per cent.

The study, published last month in聽, shows that the expansion of China鈥檚聽tertiary sector over the last two decades has resulted in reduced returns for all graduates, except students of certain subjects at leading universities.

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鈥淲hile higher education has become more accessible in China as a whole due to expansion, it is probably also getting more competitive than before for the most prestigious institutions and/or subjects,鈥 Professor Zhu said.

joyce.lau@timeshighereducation.com

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Print headline: Chinese rail at admissions quota bias

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Reader's comments (1)

"Professor Qin and Mr Buchanan 鈥 who, in an unusual twist, received funding from a Chinese government agency"?? There's nothing unusual about investigators鈥揻oreign and domestic鈥搑eceiving funding from a Chinese government agencies. The Chinese are the most surveyed people on earth. Says says author Jeff J. Brown, "My Beijing neighborhood committee and town hall are constantly putting up announcements, inviting groups of people鈥搑enters, homeowners, over seventies, women under forty, those with or without medical insurance, retirees鈥搕o answer surveys. The CPC is the world鈥檚 biggest pollster for a reason: China鈥檚 democratic 鈥榙ictatorship of the people鈥 is highly engaged at the day-to-day, citizen-on-the-street level. I know, because I live in a middle class Chinese community and I question them all the time. I find their government much more responsive and democratic than the dog-and-pony shows back home, and I mean that seriously." With fifty research centers covering two-hundred sixty social disciplines and four-thousand full time PhD researchers, CASS uses questionnaires and grassroots forums, national tours, TV programs, meetings, academic conferences, and local fora to solicit suggestions. Explained one CASS planner[1], 鈥淐omputers have made huge improvements in collecting and analyzing the information but still, thousands of statisticians, actuaries, database experts and technicians with degrees in urban, rural, agricultural, environmental and economic planning invest thousands of hours interpreting and analyzing this vast trove of data, statistics and information. Needless to say, for a continent-sized country with over a billion citizens, it takes hundreds of thousands of people to develop each Five-Year Plan.鈥 It is no surprise that the Chinese rank their government as the most responsive on earth, nor that 95% of them say their country is heading in the right direction. 锟 [1] Jeff J. Brown, China Rising.

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