A former university colleague once remarked on his practice of copying emails to an administrative officer to encourage her to feel a sense of ownership for his work. When the officer began to devote increasing time to helping him, he complained that she was getting ahead of herself: from the way she wrote, he said, you鈥檇 think that she, rather than he, was the Oxford professor.
The same colleague, with whom I had overlapping duties, also used to email me excessively, including during periods of leave. When I tried to distance myself and remain independent, I was labelled 鈥渦ncooperative鈥.
At one level, these are unremarkable stories about nudging co-workers to support one鈥檚 work. But at another they are also about co-opting others in the service of one鈥檚 agenda.
involving New York University professor Avital Ronell suggests that men don鈥檛 have a monopoly on . But in my experience, a sense of entitlement to others鈥 lives is a strongly gendered phenomenon, and co-opting others in the service of one鈥檚 agenda is certainly one aspect of this. When the co-opted person鈥檚 own agenda is thereby displaced or overridden, the act is also a form of silencing.
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Harvey Weinstein is, among much more serious things, an extreme co-opter, and in a profession that seems close to the academy in the practices it rewards, or at least tolerates. But focusing exclusively on him and similar cases makes it too easy to overlook the wider phenomenon, and ignore the more subtle ways in which the vain and arrogant operate.
Apparently, sex is high on some men鈥檚 agenda. But what about the more polite forms of discourse by which men keep women in their place?听
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Rebecca Solnit has highlighted one example in her essay 鈥溾, and I suspect most female academics can recall with little effort having had something explained down to them. Among my own recollections is serving as a doctoral examiner in a foreign country, where a local colleague explained to me over dinner that my views on the topic of the thesis were a flawed product of the ivory tower privileges I enjoy as an Oxford academic. The following day, he used the public occasion of the doctoral defence to repeat his explanation at length and in a foreign language. Unable to respond, I sat quietly next to him on the dais, allowing myself only the occasional furrowing of the eyebrows at mentions of my name and university.
Using a foreign language to denigrate a woman鈥檚 work in her presence is not merely rude; it is also an act of silencing. Symbolic on this occasion was the context: a public gathering to witness a select group of academics admit a (female) student to their community upon completion of her thesis. The scene returned to me on reading the first of two lectures by Mary Beard republished in听Women & Power: A Manifesto (2018). Titled 鈥溾, this lecture describes men鈥檚 exclusion of women from public speech in Roman and Greek antiquity, the parading of that exclusion, and the price paid by women who deigned to speak nonetheless. In Ovid鈥檚听Metamorphoses,听Io is denied the power of human speech by being transformed into a cow, and Echo is punished by having her vocal ability limited to repeating the words of others. In a Roman anthologist鈥檚 examples from the 1st century CE, women who insisted on talking in public were similarly cast as animals (able only to 鈥渂ark鈥 or 鈥測ap鈥) and 鈥渁ndrogynes鈥 (traitors to their sex).
The dais from which doctoral defences are conducted is a staple of university life, and a modern incarnation of the fora of ancient Rome and Greece. Among other incarnations in collegiate universities is the 鈥渉igh table鈥 at which college fellows dine and talk university politics. Even since their admission to tutorial fellowships in the 1970s, women attend high table less frequently than men, despite occasional attempts to make it more inclusive. (Several years ago, for example, a well-meaning alumnus of my own college offered to cover the costs of babysitting, as if the only reason for women鈥檚 absence was their childcare commitments.)
Maintaining physical spaces from which women are excluded or absent themselves perpetuates their silence. But as the importance of physical spaces declines, and digital environments take over as the main fora of academic transaction, email offers even greater opportunities for silencing. Indeed, among the dark matters of the modern university 鈥 those ubiquitous but hidden energies of university life 鈥 email may be the most powerful. For the co-opter, its value goes beyond the provision of a tool by which to engage others in the service of one鈥檚 agenda, by providing also a platform from which those who resist can be punished. Instead of being听addressed to听her, a man鈥檚 emails can now be听about听her, and since academics enjoy gossip about their colleagues, they are likely to be welcoming recipients and to become willing enablers, cementing .
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Which brings me back to my purpose in writing this, which is to highlight another under-discussed practice by which men in the academy, and no doubt in other fields, remind women of who they are and of who, without men鈥檚 permission, they are not. This is the practice, under cover of 鈥渃ooperation鈥 and the same 鈥渃ollegiality鈥 that some will tell you formal dining cultures support, of co-opting women in the service of men鈥檚 professional agendas. To some extent, I am speaking here about the assignment to women of menial jobs (鈥溾) in support of men鈥檚 more important tasks, and the practice of bringing men in to do work formally assigned to women when it transcends the menial: both common occurrences, in my experience. But my real focus is the expectation of some that women allow their time and energies to be used as men direct; and if they do not, that they suffer the consequences.
The phenomenon seems remarkably unchanged from the ancient practices of Rome and Greece. Being denigrated as a dog, some other type of androgyne or gendered incompetent (mad, stupid, incoherent, etc) is only the beginning of a long list of retributions to which 鈥渦ncooperative鈥 women expose themselves. Among the less prosaic diagnoses of me over 15 years have been that I am 鈥渙ne of those women who find it difficult to get on with typical men鈥, and that I have 鈥渕anipulatively sought to occupy the field鈥 of my academic expertise. However imaginative or otherwise such statements may be, the effect of them and similarly coded criticisms is ultimately the same: to ostracise women who pursue an agenda independent of men.
Writing in听The New Yorker听, Masha Gessen asked what counts as听justice in the #MeToo era. Among other things, the answer depends on what counts as harm, and as harassment specifically. According to my own university, notwithstanding its formal IT and other policies, even the sustained use of email to attack a woman to other members of her academic community does not, since people can鈥檛 be harassed by conduct they don鈥檛 know about, however extreme or damaging it may be. If a woman later discovers and objects to acts by her colleagues, they can simply be dismissed as 鈥渉istoric鈥, without considering them cumulatively, and regardless of whether they are part of a course of conduct that is continuing. Having objected, a woman also risks further retribution and criticism; for if you 鈥渆mbarrass鈥 or 鈥渇rustrate鈥 a man, including by working independently of him (and on the advice of university harassment advisers), you might expect or indeed deserve his response, and be regarded as having been 鈥減assive aggressive鈥. Besides, since academics expect confidentiality in respect of their messaging, men鈥檚 use of email can be protected from scrutiny, women鈥檚 data access and employment rights notwithstanding.
Here we see the answer to another of Gessen鈥檚 questions, about who is served by universities鈥 confidentiality policies. However, we also see an impact of digital technology on privacy that seems to have been overlooked in the many recent discussions of that issue. This is not the effect of making our private lives public by enabling companies and governments to collect and use information about them, but rather the effect of making our public lives private by enabling employers to cast much of what happens at work as beyond the scope of their regulatory responsibility. The result is to designate a large area of the modern university as a 鈥減rivate鈥 realm in which women are at the mercy of their male colleagues, mirroring the position that exists in other private realms, such as the home, where a similar disavowal of regulatory responsibility has also left women at the mercy of men historically.
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Co-opting others in the service of one鈥檚 agenda is certainly not new, but when done under cover of cooperation and for a professional agenda rather than for sex, it becomes especially insidious and difficult to address. When the punishment inflicted upon a woman who fails to do as directed involves the sustained use of email to third parties, the difficulty is exacerbated, due in no small part to the ease with which employers are able to put the digital environment beyond their sphere of responsibility. Perhaps paradoxically, in these less extreme instances one sees what lies at the heart of even the Weinstein type of harassment case: power, and a belief that women enter and remain in the public realm at the pleasure of men.
Justine Pila is an official fellow and tutor in law at St Catherine鈥檚 College, University of Oxford.
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POSTSCRIPT:
Print headline: Displaced and silenced
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