Despite abundant scholarship in recent decades, teachers, students, policymakers and the general public still have an inadequate grasp of how culture, broadly conceived, has always shaped US higher education.聽
To address that problem, Paul Mattingly details what he calls seven broad 鈥済enerational cultures鈥: evangelical, Jeffersonian, republican, industrial, progressively pragmatic, international and, what we have at present, corporate.
In the 18th century, for example, evangelical Christian beliefs were assumed to benefit US culture overall. This was not a problem when there were few colleges and few denominational rivalries. But whenever more denominations established their own colleges, what was believed to constitute the 鈥渟ocial good鈥 varied enormously and precluded any consensus. Mattingly uses 18th-century Congregationalist Yale College to exemplify first-generation collegiate culture.
By contrast, the second generational culture was exemplified by the Jeffersonian University of Virginia, which offered a non-denominational state university ethos.
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The seventh and final generational culture incorporates the post-Second World War belief in 鈥減ragmatism鈥: the deployment of the intellect to solve virtually all major problems at home and abroad. This was epitomised by University of California System president Clark Kerr鈥檚 book, The Uses of the University (1963), in which academia had become 鈥渃oincident with the dominant values of American society鈥. Western experts could effectively manage the world. David Halberstam鈥檚 The Best and the Brightest (1972), however, demonstrated the fallacy of such arrogance during the Vietnam War. It became painfully evident that empirical science within higher education did not 鈥渆xhaust the approaches to trustworthy knowledge鈥.
As impressive as this book certainly is, especially if we consider all of Mattingly鈥檚 generational cultures, who seriously disagrees nowadays about the crucial impact of culture on US higher education? And who would dispute Mattingly鈥檚 basic stance that US higher education is not a story of 鈥渓inear progress through time鈥? True, he properly credits Bernard Bailyn鈥檚 Education in the Forming of American Society (1960) and Lawrence Cremin鈥檚 The Wonderful World of Ellwood Patterson Cubberley (1965) for moving educational historiography away from treating all earlier developments and challenges as leading to the alleged greatness of the present. But this is old news.
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Similarly, Mattingly鈥檚 introduction readily acknowledges the impact upon higher educational history from the 1970s of the so-called 鈥渘ew social history鈥, or the unprecedented attention given to class, race, gender and ethnicity. Institutions鈥 official administrative rhetoric, their admissions and hiring biases were subject to unprecedented scrutiny. But this is also old news.
To be sure, Mattingly characterises his study as synthesising earlier works. This clarifies the varying degrees of originality in his analyses and his heavy reliance on others鈥 writings. But he also succeeds in revising some persistent misconceptions about those US academic cultures.
Mattingly hopes that his work will be read, above all, by current and future college and university leaders who too often do not appreciate their institutions鈥 rich histories. I fully agree. Indeed, contrary to Mattingly himself, I see American Academic Cultures as far more than 15 鈥渟elf-contained analyses鈥. Even if it includes much material that is commonplace to scholars in the field, it is a major contribution to the history of US higher education that amply repays readers鈥 investment of time.
Howard P. Segal is professor of history at the University of Maine. His edited history of the University of Maine from 1965 until 2015, Becoming Modern, is forthcoming.
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American Academic Cultures:聽A History of 糖心Vlog
By Paul H. Mattingly
University of Chicago Press,聽464pp, 拢79.00 and 拢26.50
ISBN 9780226505121, 5268 and 5435 (e-book)
Published 10 January 2018
POSTSCRIPT:
Print headline:聽Shaped by faith and pragmatism
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