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Nye: The Political Life of Aneurin Bevan, by Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds

Roger Morgan lauds a biography charting Labour statesman鈥檚 rise from a colliery to the Cabinet

Published on
December 11, 2014
Last updated
June 10, 2015

The Labour politician Aneurin (Nye) Bevan (1897-1960; not to be confused with Ernest Bevin, 1881-1951) remains virtually unique among public figures 鈥 the only competitor perhaps being Winston Churchill 鈥 in having coined several phrases that remain in our memories long after his death. In 1948, as the minister of health who created the National Health Service, he memorably expressed contempt for the NHS鈥 Conservative opponents by saying that he regarded Tories as 鈥渓ower than vermin鈥; in the early 1950s, in rivalry for the Labour leadership with the cerebral economist Hugh Gaitskell, he implied that Gaitskell was no more than 鈥渁 desiccated calculating machine鈥; and at the Labour Party Conference of 1957, having by now become Gaitskell鈥檚 shadow foreign secretary and having abandoned his earlier commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, Bevan shocked some of his old comrades by affirming that for Britain to give up its nuclear deterrent would be 鈥渢o send the Foreign Secretary naked into the conference chamber鈥.

As Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds鈥 lucid and informative biography shows, Bevan鈥檚 career was divided into three distinct phases. The first was the longest, lasting from his early years to 1945, by which time he was approaching the age of 50; the second phase, the short but intensive period 1945-51, represented the summit of his political power as a key member of Clement Attlee鈥檚 Labour Cabinet and of the party鈥檚 National Executive Committee, creating the NHS and looking in many ways like a future prime minister; and the third phase, the decade from his tempestuous ministerial resignation in 1951 until his death in 1960, displayed signs of the old leftwing firebrand, combined sometimes with the statesmanlike views illustrated in his already quoted position on nuclear disarmament.

It is worth noting that the bitter disputes that divided Attlee鈥檚 Cabinet arose from personal ambition as well as the substance of the issues

If the book鈥檚 central section explains how hard Bevan had to fight, as a Cabinet minister, to create a health service of the kind he wanted, the early chapters recount in fascinating detail the struggles he underwent in his long apprenticeship for this exalted position. We see Bevan, like many sons of South Wales mining families, leaving school at 13 to work in the pit in his home town of Tredegar. Almost at once, significantly, we see him elected to represent his fellow workers鈥 grievances to the Tredegar Iron and Coal Company, and step by step he advances up the hierarchy of the South Wales Miners鈥 Federation.

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This ascent to a high level in the industrial wing of the Labour movement was paralleled by Bevan鈥檚 impressive promotion in local government, and in due course as an MP. From his beginnings as a member of Tredegar town council, then of Monmouthshire County Council, Bevan broadened his experience of public life, and exercised his talents as an orator, before becoming MP for Ebbw Vale in 1929. As Thomas-Symonds shows, Bevan鈥檚 early experience of politics had been essentially practical, but in the early 1920s the miners鈥 union financed his participation in a two-year 鈥渟abbatical鈥 at the Central Labour College in London.

Bevan arrived in Westminster as a newly elected MP in 1929, as the Labour Party faced one of its greatest crises. Ramsay MacDonald and some senior colleagues deserted Labour to form a 鈥淣ational Government鈥 dominated by Stanley Baldwin鈥檚 Conservatives. The Labour Party鈥檚 principal reaction to a crushing defeat was a decisive swing to the left, and its debates now gave a greater prominence to such bodies as the Independent Labour Party and the Socialist League, as well as the Left Book Club and the influential weekly Tribune.

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In all these debates, and in his 1944 book Why Not Trust the Tories?, Bevan saw himself as the representative of the socialist Left against the capitalist National Government. It is striking, although not totally surprising, to be reminded that when war came in 1939, both Bevan and his mentor, Stafford Cripps, were still Labour MPs but neither was a member of the party as such: they had been temporarily expelled for their persistent opposition to the party leadership.

On the outbreak of war this exclusion was rapidly rescinded, and the last years of Bevan鈥檚 pre-ministerial phase, 1939 to 1945, saw him operating in a new and contrasting context. All of Labour鈥檚 most prominent leaders 鈥 Attlee, Herbert Morrison, Ernest Bevin, Cripps and Hugh Dalton 鈥 were members of Churchill鈥檚 coalition government and the task of parliamentary opposition fell to the next generation, of which Bevan established himself as the most forthright and often the most effective. He worked hard to master the main issues facing Britain, such as those of long-term global strategy, and his Commons speeches often expressed sustained criticism of Churchill鈥檚 conduct of the war, as well as criticism of Morrison, the home secretary, whom Bevan accused of infringing the principle of freedom of speech.

In 1945, when he joined Attlee鈥檚 Cabinet as minister of health (which included responsibility for housing), Bevan did so as a seasoned public figure whose views on a wide range of policy issues carried great weight. In addition to his heavy departmental duties of shaping the new NHS amid fierce arguments with the British Medical Association, and blending a network of diverse hospitals into a unified national system, Bevan made significant contributions to Cabinet discussions on subjects as varied as the independence of India, the future of Palestine and (during the Korean War) the Attlee government鈥檚 rearmament programme.

It is worth noting 鈥 and Thomas-Symonds brings this out very well 鈥 that the bitter disputes that divided Attlee鈥檚 Cabinet arose from personal ambition as well the substance of the issues: as the author puts it, 鈥淏evan formed a triangular relationship of mutual hatred with Morrison and Bevin鈥. By 1951, Bevan was outraged that Attlee made Morrison, not him, foreign secretary, and Gaitskell chancellor of the Exchequer; and in 1955 when Attlee retired as party leader (having waited for long enough to ensure that his successor would not be Morrison) it was a further mortification for Bevan that the Parliamentary Labour Party preferred Gaitskell to him for the succession.

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During the final decade of his life, Bevan鈥檚 position was ambiguous, as indeed was that of Labour as a whole. Within six months of his ministerial resignation, the party was in opposition, where it was to remain until 1964. On the one hand, Bevan represented Labour鈥檚 leftward trend, mentioned earlier. The party鈥檚 so-called Bevanite wing 鈥 a loose grouping of resolute individualists including Dick Crossman, Michael Foot and Tom Driberg 鈥 issued socialistic criticism of Attlee and Gaitskell in the pages of Tribune, and Bevan demonstrated his leftwing credentials in less public ways too: this reviewer recalls how in the summer of 1951, when Bevan鈥檚 two fellow-resigners, Harold Wilson and John Freeman, eagerly accepted invitations to expound their views to the Cambridge University Labour Club, Bevan maintained his long-standing refusal, arguing that Cambridge was not the place for him.

Alongside Bevan鈥檚 continuing role as a spokesman for the Labour Left, he increasingly became a weighty elder statesman and 鈥減ragmatist鈥. This ambiguity has accompanied Bevan鈥檚 legacy in the Labour Party, as this informative and balanced biography shows by quoting memorial tributes to him not only from the party鈥檚 Left, but also from Tony Blair.

Nye: The Political Life of Aneurin Bevan

By Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds
IB Tauris, 336pp, 拢25.00
ISBN 9781780762098
Published 19 November 2014

The author

A barrister-at-law at Civitas and lecturer in politics at St Edmund Hall, Oxford, Nicklaus Thomas-Symonds was, he says, 鈥渁 determined child鈥.

鈥淢y drive comes from my father.聽If you ask him to do something, he always does it immediately.聽My mother is a very caring person, so the combination of the two - my father鈥檚 approach to 鈥済etting things done鈥 and my mother鈥檚 compassion -聽make me a socialist, interested in the lives and minds of great socialist politicians and what they have achieved.鈥

He hails from the South Wales mining town of Blaenavon. 鈥淢y grandfather was a miner, and my father worked in Llanwern steelworks for the best part of 40 years.聽

鈥淢y whole approach to being a Labour Party activist in my local area comes from this background.聽Those who worked in the industries of the South Wales valleys of the past were reliant on each other: in the mines, one person鈥檚 life often depended on the next one.聽This has forged an incredibly strong sense of community of which I am very proud to be a part, and has given me a sense that we achieve more working together than we do on our own.鈥

He lives in Abersychan, 鈥渢hree miles from where I was brought up. I am married to Rebecca and we have two beautiful daughters: Matilda, 5, and Florence, 2. Both are fans of the Disney film, Frozen, so I am subjected to watching it repeatedly. We also have a border collie, Ellie.鈥

Thomas-Symonds studied politics, philosophy and economics at the University of Oxford. He observes that 鈥渨hilst Oxford 鈥 rightly 鈥 seeks excellence, it is also doing great work to encourage students with a state school background to apply.聽As someone who has been involved in admissions, and in outreach work, over many years, this is often a problem of perception, of young people feeling 鈥極xbridge is not for me鈥.聽

鈥淐hanging this perception, and encouraging even more talented people to apply, is totally compatible with Oxford鈥檚 鈥榖rightest and best鈥 policy.聽 I was delighted to play a small part in the excellent Oxbridge Ambassador for Wales project carried out by my local MP in Torfaen, Paul Murphy, the recommendations for which include the establishment of regional hubs in which groups of state schools can share experiences and support in the Oxbridge admissions process, which I have no doubt will have a positive impact, too.

His own undergraduate days were, he says, 鈥淗appy! I worked hard and also got to know a wide variety of people.聽In fact, I liked it so much, I have yet to leave!鈥

Aged just 21, he became a lecturer at Oxford. 鈥淚 actually 鈥 once 鈥 taught someone I had lived with in my second year.聽He had taken a year out, and I taught him for a revision class.聽However, he dealt with it well and all was fine! I was聽鈥 obviously 鈥 concerned about teaching successfully when I started, but the ability and maturity of the students made it easy for me.鈥

Thomas-Symonds鈥 Bevan study follows his 2010 book Attlee: A Life in Politics. 鈥淏eing on the left politically draws me to inspirational progressive figures.聽I enjoy debating with those on the right, but would be less keen on a full book on a right-wing figure: if you spend a few years of your life on a biographical subject, being broadly sympathetic to their aims and values makes it a more enjoyable experience.聽I would like to write a biography of Harold Wilson.聽I am fascinated by how his governments grappled with the social changes of the 1960s and the economic challenges of the 1970s.鈥

What role did bravery and personal integrity play in Attlee鈥檚 and Bevan鈥檚 accomplishments? Did they do good things because they were good and brave men?聽

鈥淭hey did achieve great things because they were good and brave men, but for other reasons, too.聽Bevan was a man of conviction, but also a very talented user of power as a Cabinet minister, particularly in his lengthy negotiations with the British Medical Association which enabled the NHS to come into existence.聽As prime minister Attlee had a unique talent to hold together a highly talented - but also argumentative! - group of Cabinet colleagues: in short, to bring the best out of other great men.鈥

On the subject of politicians鈥 qualities, the Welsh MP Owen Smith has said that David Cameron is 鈥渦nfit to lace the boots鈥 of Aneurin Bevan. What about Tony Blair?

Thomas-Symonds responds: 鈥淒avid Cameron has attacked the most vulnerable in our society with the 鈥榖edroom tax鈥; his government has left hundreds of thousands of people relying on food banks; he has undermined the principles of Bevan鈥檚 NHS in England with his Health and Social Care Act 2012: Owen Smith MP was entirely right to say he is unfit to lace Nye Bevan鈥檚 boots.聽

鈥淎s to what Bevan would have thought of Tony Blair: I wouldn鈥檛 try to argue that he would agree with everything, but I think it has to be remembered that Bevan was a man of idealism and pragmatism.聽He would have had great admiration for the National Minimum Wage Act 1998, and welcomed the Blair government鈥檚 substantial investment in the National Health Service, transforming it from the state in was left in by the Tories in 1997.聽Bevan was, above all, a man of power, and using power for improving people鈥檚 lives.聽He would have admired Blair鈥檚 three general election victories.聽He would not have been in any doubt that the real enemy was the Tories, and respected Blair鈥檚 political skill in regularly defeating them.鈥

Was he ever tempted to choose an area of law more traditionally associated with progressive politics and activism, such as labour law or human rights law?聽
鈥淚 have chosen to live in my home area of Torfaen, and to commute to Cardiff to practise law.聽That inevitably restricts the areas of law I can specialise in compared to say, London, but I have never been tempted to move away from the Eastern Valley, to practise other areas of law, or for other reasons.聽Anyway, in my view all areas of the law need people with a social conscience and progressive politics.鈥澛

Leaving aside the huge amount of work that monographs of this kind must represent, and work as a Labour Party activist, is it difficult to combine working as a barrister in Cardiff with lecturing in Oxford - be it in terms of time, travel or focus?

鈥淏arristers are self-employed, so that gives me the flexibility to do other things.聽It鈥檚 important to use all your time efficiently.聽Having a very supportive partner is also crucial, My oldest daughter, Matilda, was born when I was writing my first book; my second daughter, Florence, was born when I was writing the second.聽Writing after sleepless nights was particularly challenging,鈥 he admits.

As a Labour Party activist, what is Thomas-Symonds鈥 response to those on the left who see pro-business, pro-privatisation, union-unfriendly leanings in the party鈥檚 policies and actions, and who believe it no longer stands up for justice and the rights and concerns of working men and women?

鈥淗aving gone to Oxford and become a barrister myself from a working-class background, I am very passionate about social mobility, and aspiration.聽The Labour Party is 鈥 rightly 鈥 pro-business, but I don鈥檛 accept that it is 鈥榩ro-privatisation鈥 and 鈥榰nion-unfriendly鈥.聽The unions are an essential part of the Labour movement, and always have been.聽The Labour Party has always been a broad coalition of those committed to social justice, from 1900 when the Labour Representation Committee was formed by trade unionists together with representatives of socialist societies.聽The Labour Party has always been tolerant of difference and debate, and it is important to have all parts of the party represented in the Parliamentary Labour Party.聽

He concludes: 鈥淚 do not believe there is ever great social progress without Labour governments.聽Just as next May, only one of two people will become Prime Minister: David Cameron or Ed Miliband.聽Of those two, only Ed Miliband can deliver social justice, and improvements in the lives of working men and women.

What gives him hope? 鈥淟ast week I was guest speaker at my old school鈥檚 prize evening in Pontypool.聽I was delighted to see that two pupils had won Oxbridge places.聽The talent of people in my local area gives me great hope and optimism for the future.鈥

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Karen Shook

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