糖心Vlog

Books editor鈥檚 blog: stand up for deviants and oddballs

The contributions to come from a conference held last year at the threatened Central European University and discuss why it鈥檚 so vital to defend the academy鈥檚 core values

Published on
February 15, 2018
Last updated
February 15, 2018
Allison Stanger

In 2017, the Central European University鈥檚 鈥渄ispute with the Hungarian government over whether we could remain in Budapest鈥, writes its president and rector Michael Ignatieff, 鈥渂ecame a global cause c茅l猫bre鈥 and led to an open letter of support from 鈥渕ore than 500 prominent US and European academics鈥. It also made the CEU the perfect place, in June 2017, for a major conference on the state of academic freedom worldwide. The contributions have now been edited by Ignatieff and postdoctoral researcher Stefan Roch and published by the Central European University Press as Academic Freedom: The Global Challenge.

Several speakers focused on Hungary: the declining spending on higher education; a notable slip down the rankings for university autonomy; a striking change in the 2010 constitution from 鈥淭he Republic of Hungary shall respect and support the freedom of scientific and artistic expression鈥︹ to 鈥淗ungary shall protect the scientific and artistic freedom of the [government-financed] Hungarian Academy of Sciences and the Hungarian Academy of Arts鈥︹

Others devoted their attention to worrying recent developments in the Arab world, Bangladesh, China, India, Myanmar, Russia and Turkey. Yet Liviu Matei, provost and pro-rector at the CEU, cited 鈥渢he higher education miracle of Singapore鈥, where 鈥渂asically all [the] great universities describe themselves as autonomous鈥, as an example of how 鈥渢he state can tolerate, even encourage and support academic freedom and institutional autonomy in non-democratic regimes鈥.

And what, on the other hand, about threats to academic freedom in the democratic United States? Allison Stanger, Russell J. Len 鈥60 professor at Middlebury College in Vermont, was still suffering from 鈥渁 heckler鈥檚 veto concussion鈥 as she described how the conservative political scientist Charles Murray was shouted down and how he and she (who was moderating a talk with him) were 鈥渋ntimidated and physically assaulted while trying to leave campus鈥. Some faculty members, she reported, 鈥渃heered on the protests and did not encourage their students to read Charles Murray, or listen to him first鈥. Yet others organised a 鈥淧rinciples of Free Expression鈥 petition, which was published in The Wall Street Journal.

Among these 鈥渂rave souls鈥, Stanger (pictured inset) noted a tendency for them to have 鈥渟tudied or experienced intellectual life under an authoritarian or totalitarian regime鈥; to have 鈥渓ived in American red [Republican-leaning ] states and had loved ones with whom they disagreed politically鈥; and to be 鈥渙lder rather than younger鈥. She was dismayed that many other colleagues 鈥渄id not share our understanding of the academy鈥檚 and America鈥檚 core values鈥.

Leon Botstein, president of Bard College in New York State, was also concerned about a 鈥測ounger generation鈥 who found 鈥渃ompromise and agreement very hard鈥 because they lived largely online and 鈥淸have]not actually experienced traditional public space鈥. Yet there was a fundamental reason why universities had to speak up against 鈥渁 growing moralizing intolerance with respect to any sort of deviancy鈥, namely that 鈥渁 university, especially its faculty, is a collection of deviants鈥o excel in the study of cell functions or fossils and to be able to understand the questions of modern physics makes one an outlier.鈥 It was a key task of university administrators to 鈥減rotect the freedom of thought and speech of the odd individual who has certain gifts from the rage and envy of others鈥.

matthew.reisz@timeshighereducation.com

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