糖心Vlog

Labour manifesto: a weak case for ending fees

John Morgan looks at errors and inadequacies in leaked plans for higher education

Published on
May 11, 2017
Last updated
May 11, 2017
Jeremy Corbyn
Source: Rex

Three things stand out about Labour鈥檚 pledge to end tuition fees in England, as set out in leaked versions of the party鈥檚 draft election manifesto: its factual errors; the absence, thus far, of a costing and funding plan for the policy; and a failure to argue a case for why greater public spending on higher education would benefit the nation.

Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn had made scrapping fees (set to rise to 拢9,250 this autumn) and reintroducing maintenance grants a keystone of his two successful leadership campaigns. Labour went into the 2015 election under Ed Miliband with a pledge to lower fees to 拢6,000.

Here is the section on higher education from the leaked Labour manifesto, as by the BBC News website:

鈥淟abour believes education should be free, and we will restore this principle. No one should be put off educating themselves for lack of money or through fear of debt.

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鈥淭here is a real fear that students are being priced out of university education. Last year saw the steepest fall in university applications for 30 years.鈥

There wasn鈥檛 a fall in applications 鈥渓ast year鈥. There has been a fall of 5 per cent in applications for undergraduate study at UK higher education institutions for courses starting in autumn 2017 (according to Ucas figures at the January deadline), which is not as big as the decline in 2012, the year in which fees were trebled to 拢9,000.

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The 2017 fall in applications is the second largest of only three declines in numbers at UK level since the current applications system began in 2002, according to Ucas.

That is significant, but it is not the 鈥渟teepest fall in university applications in 30 years鈥. Type that phrase into a popular internet search engine and a 2012 Guardian is the top result 鈥 the only result that closely refers to such an idea 鈥 headlined 鈥淯K university applications in 鈥榮teepest fall for 30 years鈥欌. This article is about predictions in the fall in applications for 2012 entry. And the article鈥檚 claim of it being the 鈥渟teepest fall for 30 years鈥 is based on a vice-chancellor鈥檚 estimate, not the official Ucas figures. As just mentioned, the current Ucas applications system only began in 2002.

Regardless of how sourced, the manifesto鈥檚 reference to application figures is inaccurate and misleading.

The manifesto continues:

鈥淪ince the Conservatives came to power, university tuition fees have been trebled to over 拢9,000 a year, and maintenance grants have been abolished and replaced with loans.

鈥淭he average student now graduates from university, and starts their working life, with debts of 拢44,000.

鈥淟abour will reintroduce maintenance grants for university students and we will abolish university tuition fees.

鈥淯niversity tuition is free in many northern European countries, and under a Labour government it will be free in Britain too.鈥

Labour鈥檚 plans apply to England not 鈥淏ritain鈥, given that education is devolved to the UK nations. While higher education is already tuition-free in Scotland, a Labour government in Westminster would have no power to change the system in Wales or Northern Ireland.

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Then there are the important things the manifesto does not say.

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There is no cost provided for the policy. London Economics, a consultancy that has prepared reports on the economics of higher education for the former Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, puts the cost of abolishing fees at per student cohort, with a price tag of around 拢1 billion-拢2 billion for reintroducing maintenance grants. Corbyn put the price of the two at 拢10 billion a year in his leadership campaigns.

Perhaps costings and a funding plan will come in the published version of the manifesto.

But this version also doesn鈥檛 answer the question of why ending tuition fees would benefit England as a nation, as distinct from removing debt from individual graduates, and thus requires public funding.

If Labour 鈥渂elieves education should be free鈥, that is presumably because it believes higher education has social and economic benefits for the nation, so should be regarded as a public investment.

There is no attempt to make this case on either social or economic levels. Labour could have pointed out the wealth of research that has found clear links between participation in higher education and improved levels of health and civic engagement for individuals, along with reduced crime rates, as a emphasised. Those benefits accrue not just for individuals, but their families and the whole of society.

The words 鈥渏obs鈥 and 鈥渆conomy鈥 do not feature in Labour鈥檚 attempt to justify billions of pounds of extra spending on universities. The catastrophic fall in part-time student numbers in recent years 鈥 a huge worry in terms of the economy鈥檚 future skills needs 鈥 is not mentioned.

There is a nebulous reference to university being tuition free in 鈥渕any northern European countries鈥. If you wanted to come up with sharper points you could say that England now has the most expensive public universities in the world, according to the OECD; or that Europe鈥檚 richest economy, Germany, funds its universities through public spending and has ended its short-lived experiment with tuition fees.

The weakness of Labour鈥檚 argument on higher education is puzzling, given the importance Corbyn assigns to this policy and the fact that it has been long planned. Corbyn himself has had better stabs at arguing the case for the policy in his 2016 speech to a University and College Union event and interview with 糖心Vlog.

Corbyn supporters see Labour鈥檚 new policy as a major shift in the national debate on higher education funding. But if sections are the press are successful in convincing the bulk of the public that the manifesto is a 1970s throwback, then the policy to end tuition fees is deeply tarnished too.

Perhaps the bulk of the audience for the manifesto won't be bothered by the details (or lack of) behind the pledge, but building a coherent argument would be of use in media battles over the plan.聽

If England鈥檚 major opposition party can鈥檛 convincingly argue the case for greater public investment in higher education, then that case is going nowhere.

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john.morgan@timeshighereducation.com

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Reader's comments (3)

Seems a bit odd to pick apart a draft manifesto for not including a thoroughly detailed argument, especially as it is not clear from the article if the author actually disagrees with the policy. I doubt many party manifestos will have in-depth arguments for every policy, they are turgid enough reads as it is. My only worry about this policy is that recent graduates may not be enthusiastic about future graduates being better off than them, so there would need to be some plan for countering that.
Education cannot be commodified. The greatest failures of UK education are rooted in the introduction of fees under a Labour government. As soon as money is exchanged the student-teacher relationship is damaged beyond repair. The greatest gift any government can give to the UK is free education. We had the greatest education in the world. Its time to go back to that again.
The final manifesto also fails to provide details of funding for this proposal. A serious problem for UK universities - where will the funding come from to replace tuition fees? Is abolishing HE fees (for approx 拢10 billion/year) really the best use of this money? How will this be raised from taxes? I am usually a Labour supporter but question the wisdom of this policy & lack of details. What if we fail to deliver on this policy when we win the election?

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